In this talk, I will present what I believe to be the least common denominator of a minority perspective that considers a relevant part of linearization as strictly dependent on the asymmetric nature of the hierarchical structure (in the spirit of Kayne’s Linear Correspondence Axiom, Kayne 1994, 2020). From this viewpoint, the induction of linear order is in fact a component of narrow syntax: the radical (null) hypothesis here defended is that the source of the relevant asymmetries is the incrementality of phrase structure building as it flows in time. This perspective has a clear impact in terms of restrictions on dislocation and intervention. Focusing on minimal contrasts on items targeting the left-peripheral wh-related positions “between” Topic and Focus dedicated positions (Rizzi, 1997), I will discuss some evidence suggesting that given information is generally processed before newinformation and that departures from this pattern produce more restricted non-local dependencies (e.g. sensitivity to weak cross-over, unavailability of clitic doubling/resumption). An interesting case study that will be discussed is that of D-linked wh- items (Pesetsky, 1987): We will see how the presence of a lexical restriction (quale (libro)/which (book)) and the minimal contrast between D-linked vs non Dlinked wh- items (quale/che (N), which/what (N)) suggests that both a different “landing site” position might be targeted by wh-movement of these items (building on De Cia, 2020; Munaro et al., 2001; Watanabe, 1992) and that a differentiated featural internal structure, related to the a readily available “in-situ interpretation”, are responsible for the documented asymmetries.

The Finitary Nature of the Functional Categories in the Left Periphery and some Left-Right Asymmetry

cristiano chesi
2022-01-01

Abstract

In this talk, I will present what I believe to be the least common denominator of a minority perspective that considers a relevant part of linearization as strictly dependent on the asymmetric nature of the hierarchical structure (in the spirit of Kayne’s Linear Correspondence Axiom, Kayne 1994, 2020). From this viewpoint, the induction of linear order is in fact a component of narrow syntax: the radical (null) hypothesis here defended is that the source of the relevant asymmetries is the incrementality of phrase structure building as it flows in time. This perspective has a clear impact in terms of restrictions on dislocation and intervention. Focusing on minimal contrasts on items targeting the left-peripheral wh-related positions “between” Topic and Focus dedicated positions (Rizzi, 1997), I will discuss some evidence suggesting that given information is generally processed before newinformation and that departures from this pattern produce more restricted non-local dependencies (e.g. sensitivity to weak cross-over, unavailability of clitic doubling/resumption). An interesting case study that will be discussed is that of D-linked wh- items (Pesetsky, 1987): We will see how the presence of a lexical restriction (quale (libro)/which (book)) and the minimal contrast between D-linked vs non Dlinked wh- items (quale/che (N), which/what (N)) suggests that both a different “landing site” position might be targeted by wh-movement of these items (building on De Cia, 2020; Munaro et al., 2001; Watanabe, 1992) and that a differentiated featural internal structure, related to the a readily available “in-situ interpretation”, are responsible for the documented asymmetries.
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12076/12940
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